Latin America Updates & Comment

**** URGENT CALL FOR ACTION ****

On April 25, ten Mexican electrical workers from the now extinct Luz y Fuerza del Centro, members of the now deregistered Mexican Electrical Trades Union (SME) decided to go on hunger strike. This came about as the last resource after the Mexican government refused to reverse the decision to extinguish by presidential decree the company. With the closure of the company, in violation of the Mexican constitution and labour legislation, 46 thousand workers and pensioners were left unemployed, without childcare or health benefits in an unprecedented and most violent attack on workers’ rights and move towards privatization in Mexico´s history.

At its peak, this hunger strike has had up to 93 man and women, participating by fasting including parliamentarians and the civil society.

More than sixty days later, the Government continues to ignore the demands of the striking workers and their families, who are camping in the main square of Mexico City and continuously rally and protests calling for a solution. The demands are to have their jobs back, respect for the collective agreement and the payment of back pay since the lock out in October last year.

On June 28, two of the striking workers had to receive emergency hospital treatment, due to their poor health as a result of spending sixty days without any food.

This anti-union and anti worker attack cannot be left in impunity. These braves  workers and their families cannot be left on their own. We call on the solidarity of unions, workers and communities around the World to help them win their rights back.

You can do so by:

1. Sending a letter in protest to the Mexican government and your nearest Embassy. (See sample letter below)

Felipe Calderón, President of the Republic: felipe.calderon@presidencia.gob.mx

Government Offices: gobierno.digital@funcionpublica.gob.mx

Mexican Congress: administrador@congreso.gob.mx

Javier Lozano, Minister for Labour and Social Security: javierlozano@stps.gob.mx

Mexican Embassy in Australia: embamex@mexico.org.au

2. Sending solidarity letters and messages to the striking workers, their union and their families.

Write in English or Spanish, to sinmexel@sme.org.mx

Fernando Amezcua, Relations Secretary: samezcuacf@sme.org.mx

Humberto Montes de Oca, Internal Secretary: pp_mdo@yahoo.com.mx

José Manuel Pérez Vázquez, Relations Secretary’s collaborator: jm_perezvazquez@yahoo.com

Every word of support helps keeping up the spirit after several months of struggle

3. Sending the much needed economic aid to support the camp and the struggle of families of over 17 thousand workers who have refused to receive payouts from the government.

Send your donations to the account:

Bank’s Address: BBVA PLAZA MEXICO D.F.

Name of the Bank: Banco Bilbao Vizcaya Argentaria, S.A.

Bank Identification Code: (SWIFT / BIC (Bank Identification Code) BCMRMXMN

Account number: 0168715246

Account holder: MARTIN ESPARZA FLORES AND FERNANDO MUÑOZ PONCE (UNITED ACCOUNT)

Holder Address: Insurgentes 98, Col. Tabacalera, del. Cuauhtémoc, CP 06470, México, D.F.

To do so, please contact: C. Martin Esparza on the phone +52 55 5546 3200, or send an email to: sme1014@gmail.com

Fernando Amezcua, Relations Secretary: samezcuacf@sme.org.mx

Humberto Montes de Oca, Internal Secretary: pp_mdo@yahoo.com.mx

José Manuel Pérez Vázquez, Relations Secretary’s collaborator: jm_perezvazquez@yahoo.com

4. Send international missions in order to testify about what happens in our country in this chain of injustices against the electrical workers and the people of Mexico , to spread this in your countries and to plead for a just solution.

5. Call protests at the Embassy or in a public place and let the Electrical workers in Mexico know of your demonstration.

SAMPLE LETTER. PLEASE FEEL FREE TO AMEND

To Mr Felipe Calderón

President of Mexico

We are writing to express our deep concern about the drastic violation of basic union rights of the workers of Luz y Fuerza del Centro.

We are aware that the workers have taken up a hunger strike as a means of protesting the lack of response from your government to their just demands for a return to work, payment of back pay and respect of their collective agreement.

We are also aware that many workers have been physically attacked, suffered repression and have been incarcerated by the security forces of your government.

As members of the international community, workers and civil society, we demand that your government does not continue to violate international humanitarian law and reverse your decision to eliminate Luz y Fuerza del Centro, respect union rights, and that reparations are paid to all those who had been unjustly affected by your actions.

Yours sincerely,

NAME____________

ORGANISATION___________

At the end of May, before traveling to South Africa for the World Cup, the Argentinean national soccer team took this picture showing their support for Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo for the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize.

The picture did not have coverage in other than the alternative media.

SUATTERS ARMS HOTEL
1 George St. Thebarton, Adelaide SA

Sun 27th June  6 pm.  Free Entry

(Soon to be screened in Melbourne/Details to be anounced)

“Who is Afraid?” is a new documentary about the military coup in Honduras, and the Honduran resistance movement. The coup took place a year ago on June 28th 2009. Thousands of people took to the streets to defend the elected President Manuel Zelaya, uniting under the banner of the “National Front of Popular Resistance.”  This screening is part of a National Day of Action to mark the first anniversary of the coup-installed regime, in solidarity with the people of Honduras.  There will be rallies in various other capital cities.

Brief synopsis:   René is a Honduran amateur actor who appeared on television spots promoting the referendum on convening the National Constituent Assembly in Honduras. On June 28th, 2009, instead of a referendum, there was a brutal coup d’état: the army abducted President Manuel Zelaya and had him flown abroad. Along with thousands of other Hondurans, René joined the National Resistance Front against the Coup d’ État. An unprecedented Honduras arises: a people who resist despite media bias, violence and death, and take to the streets to stand up for their rights. This is their story.

Please forward this on to your networks. There is not a significant Latin American solidarity movement in Adelaide, but it would be great to see a good turnout for such a powerful documentary straight from Honduras.

Watch preview at:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tp_1tdE8pIM

See you there!

A year ago, a coup d´état led by R. Micheleti militarily toppled the democratically elected government of president Mabuel Zelaya.

Since then, hundreds of activists, journalists, students, had been killed or jailes, and thousands had been repressed.

In different cities in Australia and around the world, people is saying NO! to the coup in Honduras, and call for democracy to come back for our brothers and sisters in Honduras.

Speak out for Honduras! Friday June 25, 5pm, stairs of Flinders St. Station, Melbourne

Bring placards and banners.
Organizations are welcome to bring stalls.

Supported by the Latin American Forum-Victoria

In Sydney:

Stop the coup in Honduras June 27, 11 am Ibero American Plaza

Chalmers St, outside Central station

Organised by Coatition for Honduras

Honduras under dictatorship

On the 28th of June 2009 the democratically elected President of Honduras was illegally removed from office in a military coup. Since then the Military dictatorship has received military and economic aid from the US and it has consolidated itself in power using brutal state terrorism. All community and independent media has been shut down or censored. Thousands of people have been jailed, tortured or killed for speaking out against this dictatorship including 9 journalists and 3 judges.

The Australian government has yet to condemn the coup.

Please do not let this injustice go continue. Contact the Australian Foreign Minister Stephen Smith; to ensure it is not business as usual with Honduras.

PO Box 6022
House of Representatives
Parliament House
Canberra ACT 2600

Tel: (02) 6277 7500
Fax: (02) 6273 4112

Email: Stephen.Smith.MP@aph.gov.au

Contact the Honduran resistance to send support to the people that are struggling for democracy:

Comisión Internacional (CI) - Frente Nacional de Resistencia Popular: ci_coordinacion@resistenciahonduras.net

Betty Matamoros, Coordinadora CI: bmflores2009@yahoo.com

Dirian Pereira: dirianbeatrizpereira@yahoo.com

Gerardo Torres: unita1984@hotmail.com

Latin American Forum-Victoria

FMLN, Partido Comunista de Chile, Australia Venezuela Solidarity Network, Peace and Justice for Colombia, Socialist Alliance, Communist Party of Australia, Revolutionary Socialist Party, URNG-MAIZ, Centre for Latin American Solidarity and Studies (CLASS)

* * * * * * *

Updates:

Nothing ‘normal’: Honduras in crisis with 5 simultaneous hunger strikes in May: university staff, judges, teachers, parents and campesinos.

Hunger strike 1: University Staff and its union SITRAUNAH

Context: SITRAUNAH has been struggling for a collective contract for UNAH (National Autonomous University of Honduras) staff this year, but UNAH director Julieta Castellanos responded by dismissing SITRAUNAH president Marco Moreno (using false accusations of violence against a student), and stating the funds are not available (meanwhile paying contract staff highly inflated salaries).

SITRAUNAH organised strikes, sit-ins and protests, ending in an attack on 23/3/10 with teargases, beatings, arrests and charges of ’sedition, coercion and usurpation of functions’ against 16 unionists - these baseless charges were dismissed by the court on 4/5/10.

SITRAUNAH filed for costs and damages, but it does not end here… on 13/4/10 UNAH’s authorities arbitrarily dismissed 186 workers from its cleaning, security and transport sections, in blatant violation of ILO conventions. These were not paid out their entitlements and some have worked there for decades. Castellanos threatened to fire more workers and lecturers linked with SITRAUNAH. There are likely plans to privatise these services within the university.

SITRAUNAH also denounced that Castellanos is trying to destroy the union to minimise opposition when privatisation of university education is imminent - which would close off university education to the majority of Hondurans. SITRAUNAH announced having located a new black list with 33 people in danger of being assassinated, including SITRAUNAH leaders - Rene Andino and Marco Moreno.

On 27/4/10, a group of 11 dismissed university workers began an indefinite hunger strike demanding reinstatement of all dismissed, in front of the building where Castellanos works. When Castellanos passes by she laughs and makes rude comments, and has stated that the responsibility for their lives and health is with the hunger strikers and not with her and she does not care if a hunger striker dies. Fired workers are desperate due to lack of income, having family responsibilities, debts, children’s school fees, etc. Many reported depression, some suicidal feelings. By 14/5/10, 9 of the hunger strikers had been taken to hospital including a philosophy student, Marvin Amilcar Perez, who joined the workers in solidarity. Others join in to take their places.

Hunger strike against impunity: judges fired for anti-coup actions

On 5 May 2010, the decision to dismiss 3 judges, a magistrate and a public defender was made in an evening plenary session at the Supreme Court in which 10 of 15 magistrates voted in favor of the dismissals. The Supreme Court, which declared the coup a ‘constitutional succession’, began disciplinary processes including notices, fines and transfers against the judges who do not share the Court’s political position and who took actions accordingly. On the other hand, pro-coup political activities have been encouraged rather than punished by the Court, as verified by Amnesty international. On 30 June 2010 the Human Resources Manager of the Supreme Court, Sandra Rivera, signed and circulated an electronic memorandum obliging employees to participate in the marches ‘March for Peace in Honduras’; opposing the deposed President Zelaya Rosales and in favor of the military coup.

This action of dismissing judges not only constitutes a violation against the five dismissed but sends a message to other judges who want to exercise independence in their work, and is a clear sign that instead of working to reverse the coup, the Supreme Court is going in the other direction and has no independence. It has a responsibility to act against human rights violations, and by its political alignment it is not doing so, it punishes judges who do, feeds impunity and leaves the population defenceless. The fired judges are members of the Association of Judges for Democracy (AJD) which has 120 associates (the country has 600 judges). AJD condemned the coup. The dismissals have caused enormous fear amongst its membership, and are an attempt to destroy AJD also. The crime has been internationally denounced, including by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Centre for Justice and International Law, Inter-American Commission for Human Rights (IACHR) and the Spanish Government which had announced it would stop financial contributions to the Honduran judicial system until the judges are reintegrated.

Those dismissed are from San Pedro Sula. They have been working with the Lawyers Front Against the Coup to prevent political detentions in San Pedro Sula: the police would illegally arrest resistance members, the lawyers would present their habeas corpus and these judges would free the wrongly accused. In other parts of the country 150 resistance members have been ‘processed’ whereas in San Pedro Sula to date there were no resistance members processed.

Who were dismissed?

Guillermo Lopez Lone (Sentencing Judge, President of AJD, and spouse of magistrate Tirza Flores) received disciplinary notification in 2009 for the crime of participation in an anti-coup march on 5/7/09, where his leg was fractured by security forces’ violence.

Osman Fajardo Morel (Public Defender) was previously victim to a disciplinary process (transfer) for ordering the release of 29 persons illegally detained at the police station.

Tirza del Carmen Flores Lanza (Magistrate of the 1st Court of Appeals) was investigated in 2009 for her participation in a peaceful march on 5/7/09, and was accused by the Supreme Court of taking legal action in favour of Zelaya after he was expelled to Costa Rica. On 30/6/09 Guillermo Lopez, Osman Fajardo and Tirza Flores (along with three other individuals) presented to the Supreme Court a notice to appeal the action taken to expel Manuel Zelaya. They also presented to the DPP a criminal complaint against the Head of the Armed Forces and the Members of the National Congress for their participation in the military coup.

Ramon Enrique Barrios (Sentencing Judge) was accused of action against the dignity of the Administration of Justice for having published an opinion piece titled, ‘It was not Constitutional Succession’ and having presented a criticism of the coup at an academic conference at the University of San Pedro Sula as a professor of law.

Luis Alonzo Chevez de la Rocha (Domestic Violence Judge) was illegally arrested and detained on 12/8/09 by the police, when he tried to intervene to prevent police violence against protesters demanding the return of president Zelaya.

The firings happened 2 weeks after the AJD organised a seminar ‘Human rights and judicial independence’, an activity focusing on Honduras and the weaknesses of this judicial system and its implication. International experts (including the Special Rapporteur of UN about the Independence of Judges and Lawyers) participated.

Association of Judges for Democracy began the Hunger Strike Against Impunity on 17 May demanding that the Honduran State assume responsibility for all the human rights violations stemming from the coup, punish those responsible and give reparations to those affected, reorganise and reform the entire judicial system and reinstate illegally dismissed judges. Those on hunger strike include dismissed judges Guillermo Lopez Lone (who was taken to hospital on the 8th day and re-joined by the 11th), Luis Chevez and Ramon Enrique Barrios. Others who joined in from different parts of the country in support were mostly judges and others including students in solidarity, mostly from AJD and the Broad Movement for Dignity and Justice, the Santa Barbara parliamentarian of UD (Democrats United). Sergio Castellanos also joined in.

In response to international pressure, the President of Supreme Court Jorge Rivera Aviles declared the hunger strike ‘illegal’ on 22/5/10, because although the judges will be formally dismissed, they had not yet been given their written notices. Representatives of the National Congress met with a negotiating team from Honduran Civil Organisations and Magistrate Tirza Flores, and promised to set up a meeting for 26/5/10 to resolve everything. However this meeting was postponed to 31/5/10 due to petition from a post coup body - Civic Democratic Union - arguing that many magistrates who voted in favor of the sackings were absent on 26/5/10. On 31/5/10, the Supreme Court ratified its original decision to dismiss the magistrate, public defender and 3 judges. The judges suspended their hunger strike after 17 days, at this point to continue working in other ways in defence of human rights. They will be bringing their messages to the Civil Society meeting with the OAS in Lima Peru on 6-8 June 2010.

3rd Hunger strike: Campesinos join in against impunity

On 24/5/10, campesinos joined in with the judges, but soon set up a separate tent with 10 hunger strikers from 4 cooperatives - San Isidro, El Despertar, San Esteban and La Trinidad. Their hunger strike is against impunity, persecution and bribery, following recent evictions against them and a long history of how their land was stolen by large landowners.

The April agreement: A CODEH (Committee for the Defence of Human Rights in Honduras) delegation visited Aguan cooperatives to monitor compliance with the signed agreement on 9-12/5/10 and noted 3000 hectares had been distributed and a technical team from the Agrarian Department is surveying the lands to assign another 3000 hectares of uncultivated land, and determine the lands owned above limits to assign the other 5000 hectares.

Miguel Facusse (large land owner) paid for advertisements announcing he disagrees with the agreement and that the government has not paid. CODEH asked the parties to continue to work by the agreement. CODEH reported a reduced visible police and military presence although checkpoints continue in Saba, Tocoa, desvio a Salama, desvio a Bonito Oriental, Trujillo and others. There were four cooperatives that have not signed onto the agreement although members of El Despertar circulated an addition to the signed agreement, establishing that these cooperatives should not be considered to be excluded from the agreement, rather the judicial processes should be allowed to finish first.

The court cases: San Isidro, El Despertar, San Esteban and La Trinidad communities have files in the court for the expropriation of the lands illegally obtained by Facusse and Morales, and for the dismissal of some judges and public prosecutors that have violated the law and acted in favour of the landowners. They wanted to wait for the judgment first before accepting any agreements through the negotiations because the negotiations presumes the large landowners (Morales, Canales and Facusse) are the legitimate owners of the land who then sell these lands to the campesinos, through loans financed by the state. The conflict began with the introduction of the Law of Agricultural Modernisation in 1994, where through bribery, falsification of documents and paramilitary violence, Morales illegally obtained possession of El Despertar, San Esteban and La Trinidad, and similarly, Facusse illegally obtained possession of San Isidro where 2 community members Arnulfo Mejia and Jose Maria Rodriguez were bribed, but assassinated 2 months later. There were court cases tabled in 1998 (finished in 2001), 2006 (admitted in 2008), and again in 2010, where delay tactics were applied. They are not the only communities with court cases but had opted to wait for these to finish first as they felt they were near the end of the court cases and were hopeful about winning these.

The Evictions: more than 240 families from the 4 cooperatives El Despertar, San Isidro, La Trinidad and San Esteban were evicted between 10 & 12 May 2010. Each community were evicted by about 100 police and military officers, some also by Morales’ and Facusse’s security guards, who destroyed the tents/make shift shelters of the campesinos and occupied these lands to prevent the campesinos’ return. Gunshots into the air by security guards have been reported as warning before the eviction at El Despertar, and a youth Ismael Redondo (23) was captured that morning, moved from one checkpoint to another and freed through his comrades’ efforts just minutes before the eviction took place, but was told by the police to ‘get lost’ if he doesn’t want to go to prison. The evicted campesinos of El Despertar moved to the fields opposite those they were evicted from, nearby police and military. There are fears of degeneration into violence and bloodshed by armed forces.

There is information that on 18/5/10, a meeting was held between the military commanders of the National Preventative Police, the Puerto Castilla naval base, the 15th Battalion, representatives of the large landowners -Facusse, Canales and Morales - and some individuals believed to be businesspeople from the municipality of Tocoa, Trujillo, Saba, Sonaguera and Bonito Oriental. They discussed the mechanisms for eliminating leaders of the resistance in the Aguan region, and of MUCA (United Movement of Aguan Campesinos). A list of 36 leaders was presented for whom the landowners would pay 11 million lempiras in addition to the many vehicles they had already supplied to the police and military in the region. Militarisation of Aguan never ceased, and an additional quantity of members of military intelligence and the Honduran Air Force arrived in the region accompanied by military of Colombian origin. They are carrying out undercover operations of the hired assassin type. In addition MUCA denounced that 300 capture orders are still in place, along with the permanent presence of military and paramilitaries that move in cars without numberplates around the different cooperative lands.

Whitewash: Honduran Foundation of Corporate Social Responsibility (FUNDAHRSE) awarded Facusse’s company DINANT with the stamp of being ’socially responsible’, for having ‘achieved established standards after evaluating its environmental programs’, the ‘integral development of his workers and its relation with the company’. Also: World Wildlife Fund signed a memorandum of understanding with Dinant Chemicals in support of Dinant’s certification of the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO), despite common knowledge that the large quantities agrotoxins used by Facusse and his plantations, the harmful effects for the Mesoamerican Reef System and the massive social conflict.

4th Hunger strike: teachers against firing of area directors, in defence of the Teacher’s Statute and public education

On 25 May 2010, 5 (dismissed) area directors of education supported by associated teachers’ and parents’ organisations also began a hunger strike demanding reinstatement of fired area and district directors, the cessation of attacks on the Teachers’ Statute, and against moves to privatise education.

On 24 April 2010 the secretary of Education Alejandro Ventura ordered the illegal dismissals of ten area directors and five district directors of education (including 9 women). Ventura’s statement for why they were dismissed was ‘because they did not recognise the previous (Micheletti) government’. On their written notification the reason given was ‘inconvenience’. The firings themselves were violating the Teachers’ Statutes which outlines the rights, duties and appointment requirements for these positions. Their contracts were due to expire in 2012. They were replaced by National Party activists who did not take and pass a test or have ten years’ experience as school principals (requirements according to the Teachers’ Statute). At the same time, a judicial process to abolish the Teacher’s Statute also began; early in May, lawyer Manuel de Jesus Iglesias applied to the Supreme Court to have the Teachers’ Statute be declared ‘unconstitutional’, claiming that it violates the constitution by conceding to teachers’ ‘privileges’. The Teachers’ Statute states the rights and duties of teachers and was won through 15 years’ campaigning. Edgardo Casana, president of the Teachers Union College (Coprumh), warned of the new proposed ‘law of education’ which the regime is trying to impose, with the support of USAID, in place of the Teachers’ Statute. This proposed law would facilitate the privatisation of education through first moving its economic responsibility from the state to local levels (justified by saying it will promote the community’s ’sense of property/ownership’ over the schools). The USAID’s Strategy of Assistance to Honduras stated that it backs this ‘campaign led by the private sector in favor of improving education, creating conscience about the importance of education…’.

Other ongoing issues include that some teachers had not been paid from 2009 - the state is 3200 million lempiras behind in its obligated transfers to the education sector; digital ID card enforcements for teachers began on 13/5/10; there are moves to also card students and to establish police posts inside the schools, all of which can contribute to persecution of teachers and students.

Apart from the hunger strike, there was a week’s general strike from 3 May 2010 in defence of the Teachers’ Statute. There was resistance in Atlantida on 3/5/10 against the firing and replacement of the area director through not handing over possession of the office - this was met with violent attacks headed by National Party activists (National Party MPs Marcio Espinal and Rodolfo Irias offered $5 for each participant) disguised as ‘parents of families’ with the backing of 50 police and military officers; they physically assaulted the teacher Karen Padilla and forced the doors open using pliers. The security forces also went to the school’s administrator’s home to scare her into releasing the keys.

There were also national teachers’ marches on 13 and 18 May 2010, which faced police repression. On 13/5 in San Pedro Sula the police were in riot gear and equipped with water cannon, and some agents used their phones to film the participants in the march. On 18/5 in La Ceiba as protesters were ready to leave they were hit with sticks, pulled by the hair, and insulted by security forces, about 20 were wounded and the police stole their flag.

Parents also join in the hunger strike, from both sides

There is a group of hunger strikers called ‘Lets go back to classes’ of some National Party teachers and parents who are seeking for the Teachers’ Statute to be revoked, led by Mercedes Saravia. This group strikes under police and army protection (not received by other groups who are looked after by workers who volunteer to accompany and provide security in the evenings) and there are allegations that those striking received payment to do so.

There are also a group of parents of families who represent the parents association through voting processes, who joined the teachers in defence of public education, the teachers’ statute, and against the replacement of the 10 area directors with national party activists and the ‘general law of education’. There are also students in solidarity, with concerns since the general law of education would privatise teacher education (amongst other career paths), preventing most of the poor from becoming teachers.

More information and reports: http://www.sydney-says-no2honduras-coup.net/news-summaries.php

Armed attack on the Support and Solidarity Caravan to the Autonomous Municipality of San Juan Copala, OaxacaOaxaca de Juárez, Oaxaca. April 27, 2010

To the news media
To the peoples of Mexico
To the peoples of the world
To the peoples of Oaxaca

Armed attack on the Support and Solidarity Caravan to the Autonomous Municipality of San Juan Copala, Oaxaca

CONTEXT:

Yesterday (on April 27), an announcement was sent to the news media about the Caravan headed for the Triqui Region in our state of Oaxaca. Caravan participants include members of the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO), Section 22 of the teachers’ union, Oaxacan Voices Constructing Autonomy and Freedom (VOCAL), CACTUS, members of MULT-I (Independent Triqui Movement of Unification and Struggle), as well as international observers.

As announced, the caravan left the city of Huajuapan de León, Oaxaca, at 11:00 a.m. on April 27, 2010, with the aim of breaking the siege around the Autonomous Triqui Community, a manifestation of state and paramilitary repression on the process of autonomy being built in this community. The violent paramilitary attacks have occurred at different times in San Juan Copala’s autonomous process and have been led by the paramilitary UBISORT organization (Social Welfare Union of the Triqui Region), now presided over by Rufino Juárez Hernández and MULT (Triqui Movement of Unification and Struggle).

Before the caravan left, the autonomous president of San Juan Copala, Jesús Martínez Flores held the following people responsible for any aggression whatsoever against it: Oaxaca State Attorney General Evencio Nicolás Martínez, Oaxaca Minister of the Interior Jorge Franco Vargas, ”el Chuky”, and PRI party legislative candidate Carlos Martínez. He also demanded that UBISORT and MULT behave responsibly and take the Triqui people’s peace talks seriously.

THE FACTS:

About 100 Km. from the entrance to La Sabana, the road was blocked with stones, and that’s where the cowardly attack began with firearms whose caliber is as of yet undetermined. The attack was perpetrated by around 15 paramilitaries at the service of the government of the killer Ulises Ruiz Ortiz, destroying the vehicles, wounding one comrade, and killing two others, according to initial reports.

During the attack, some comrades escaped, running into the mountains. Their location is unknown and it is feared that they have been captured by paramilitaries. The disappeared comrades are NOE BAUTISTA JIMENEZ, DAVID VENEGAS REYES, and DANIEL ARELLANO CHAVEZ, all members of VOCAL.

We have just received information about the two comrades who lost their lives in this attack. They are CACTUS member BEATRÌZ ALBERTA CARIÑO TRUJILLO, and an international observer from Finland, JYRI ANTERO JAAKKOLA. Both were shot dead.

During the attack, our comrade MONICA CITLALI SANTIAGO ORTIZ was shot in the back and has received medical attention at Juxtlahuaca.

Other people at the scene of the shooting were forced out of the vehicles and taken down the mountain to be interrogated. Some received death threats before being released on the highway. VOCAL member RUBÈN VALENCIA NUÑEZ was detained by paramilitaries who took his voter registration card and cell phone and threatened him with death before turning him loose.

An ambulance arrived at the scene to give medical attention to the wounded, but it was also fired upon in a cowardly paramilitary attack, causing it to leave. As it was leaving, the medics came to the aid of a wounded comrade, who confirmed the deaths of the two previously mentioned comrades.

Due to confusion and uncertainty regarding the events, it has been impossible to ascertain the whereabouts or the physical and psychological situation of the previously mentioned comrades.

WE EMPHATICALLY DENOUNCE the fact that this armed attack is the product of the conditions of institutional violence and impunity enjoyed by paramilitary groups in this region of our state and directed against different expressions of the social struggle in Oaxaca, specifically the construction of autonomous processes.

This aggression takes place in the circumstances of isolation and the state of siege imposed on the municipality of San Juan Copala, where children have been deprived of their classes since January. Furthermore, the lights have been turned off and the community has no access to drinking water or medical personnel. It is subjected to permanent harassment from military troops that have set up a roadblock just outside the town.

WE DEMAND:

• that the government of the killer Ulises Ruiz put an end to all paramilitary attacks in the Triqui Region, and to the financing, provision of arms, and impunity enjoyed by these paramilitary groups in our state;
• and assure the immediate presentation of our disappeared comrades.

WE CALL ON:

the people of Oaxaca, Mexico, and the international community and different social organizations, collectives and groups to make a visible show of solidarity and support, demanding the live presentation of our disappeared brothers and punishment of the responsible people. We also ask that you demand an end to the conditions of violence imposed on the Autonomous Municipality of San Juan Copala.

Live presentation of our disappeared comrades!

Punishment for the murders of our comrades!

An end to the attacks against the Autonomous Municipality of San Juan Copala!
An end to the paramilitary blockade around this autonomous Triqui community!

Oaxacan Voices Constructing Autonomy and Freedom
(VOCAL)

Monday May 3rd, 6:30pm

New International Book Shop (Trades Hall basement)

The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism,

by Naomi Klein

Chapters to read: Part 6, Part 7 and conclusion.

Naomi Klein explodes the myth that the global free market triumphed democratically. Exposing the thinking, the money trail and the puppet strings behind the world-changing crises and wars of the last four decades, The Shock Doctrine is the gripping story of how America’s “free market” policies have come to dominate the world- through the exploitation of disaster-shocked people and countries.

* (due to the fact that the last Monday of April is ANZAC holiday, the club is postoped to May. The May gathering will be at the end of the Month)

The CLASS book club aims to offer a space for discussion on authors and ideas about different issues concerning contemporary Latin America.

The topics will range from history, political analysis and theory, cultural studies, workers and people´s struggles, poetry and fiction literature. In our monthly meetings we profile a book, a movie, or other media that represent the diversity of the contemporary Latin America. The material will be available in English.

The club is open to anyone interested in discussing, learning and sharing experiences on Latin American social, political or cultural issues. Please feel free to contact us or just show up on the day.

Contact Lulu on 0421 957 341

Click here to view the embedded video.

Saturday, April 17, from 7pm
The Clare Castle
421 Rathdowne St, Carlton

Entry by donation ($5 suggested donation)
Drinks and meals available at pub prices

The recent and unprecedented global financial crisis that has deepened the gap between the poor masses and the millionaires, has increased unemployment and poverty. The global capitalist system has shown once again its inability to function without heavy subsidies from the governments. These gaps have however strengthened the tide of progressive and revolutionary movements and governments in Latin
America, who say BASTA! (enough!) to foreign domination, exploitation and repression.

From the progressive governments of Venezuela, Cuba, Bolivia, Ecuador, to the streets of Mexico, the Colombian mountains and the everyday struggle of the Central American people, Latin America is showing another world is not only possible, not only necessary, but is becoming reality.

The Latin American Forum- Victoria has brought together a number of solidarity groups and political organisations who work in support of the struggles in Latin America.

Join us in this night to celebrate the improvements in the lives of millions of Latin Americans through universal healthcare and education, and to show your support to the resistance in countries where people stand together to change their reality.

Enjoy some Latin American live music with Nicolás Jorquera and other performers.

For more information, please contact Lulu 0421 957 341, Roberto 0425 182994 or Sean 0415 122 135.

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About us
LATIN AMERICAN FORUM- VICTORIA

AIMS & OBJECTIVES
The Latin American Forum-Victoria (LAF) was established in November 2009 by solidarity organisations and political parties in Australia including the Centre for Latin America Solidarity and Studies, Australia-Venezuela Solidarity Network, Peace and Justice for Colombia (PJFC-Melbourne), Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN-Melbourne), Communist Party of Chile (Melbourne), Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca- Movimiento Amplio de Izquierdas (URNG-MAIZ, Australia), Communist Party of Australia, Socialist Alliance and the Revolutionary Socialist Party.

The LAF recognises the leading role that the revolutionary governments of Cuba, Bolivia and Venezuela have played in confronting U.S imperialism in the region.

The LAF also recognises the important role of other progressive governments in the region including Ecuador, El Salvador, Nicaragua and Uruguay, as well as local governments and revolutionary  movements and organisations.

The formation of the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas has been a vital instrument for a united response to the attacks on the working people of Latin America by International imperialism led by the United States. An imperialism that with its support to the coup d’état in Honduras and the installation of up to seven military bases in Colombia tries to throttle the hope for liberty and emancipation across the Latin American continent and carries the risk of destabilising the whole region, with a provocation of unforeseeable consequences.

The LAF aims to contribute in the discussion of ideas that oppose the economic political and cultural imperialism of the US and other powers, and supports the anti-capitalist principles in the search of
democracy, sovereignty and justice.

SOLIDARITY
The LAF aims to help coordinate and develop united solidarity action and events in Australia with the working class and progressive movements in Latin America and work towards building links with the
working class struggles of the Asia-Pacific region.

ACTION
The LAF will aim to help coordinate joint seminars, conferences, cultural events and tours that help educate and inspire ongoing solidarity action and support with the working people and the revolutionary and progressive governments and revolutionary movements of Latin America.

MEMBERSHIP
The LAF is primarily a representative body of solidarity organisations and political parties in Australia that work in solidarity with the progressive and revolutionary movements and governments in Latin America.

Participation is however also open to individuals that share the aims and objectives of the Latin American Forum and want to work in a united manner to achieve those aims. Such participation will be determined by a consensus of existing organisations.

by Noam Chomsky

The United States was founded as an “infant empire,” in George Washington’s words. The conquest of the national territory was a grand imperial venture, much like the vast expansion of the Grand Duchy of Moscow. From the earliest days, control over the Western Hemisphere was a critical goal. Ambitions expanded during World War II, as the US displaced Britain and lesser imperial powers. High-level planners concluded that the US should “hold unquestioned power” in a world system including not only the Western Hemisphere, but also the former British Empire and the Far East, and later, as much of Eurasia as possible.

A primary goal of NATO was to block moves towards European independence, along Gaullist lines. That became still more clear when the USSR collapsed, and with it the Russian threat that was the formal justification of NATO. NATO was not disbanded, but rather expanded, in violation of promises to Mikhail Gorbachev that NATO would not even fully extend to East Germany, let alone beyond, and that “NATO would be transforming itself into a more political organization.” By now it is virtually an international intervention force under US command, its self-defined jurisdiction reaching to control energy sources, pipelines, and sea lanes. And Europe is a well-disciplined junior partner.

Throughout the expansion of US Empire, Latin America retained its primacy in global planning. As Washington was considering the overthrow of the Allende government in Chile in 1971, Nixon’s National Security Council observed that if the US couldn’t control Latin America, how could it expect “to achieve a successful order elsewhere in the world?” That policy has become more severe with recent South American moves towards integration, a prerequisite for independence, and establishment of more varied international ties, while also beginning to address severe internal disorders, most importantly, the traditional rule of a rich Europeanized minority over a sea of misery and suffering.

In July 2009, the US and Colombia concluded a secret deal to permit the US to use seven military bases in Colombia. The official purpose is to counter narcotrafficking and terrorism, “but senior Colombian military and civilian officials familiar with negotiations told The Associated Press that the idea is to make Colombia a regional hub for Pentagon operations.” There are reports that the agreement provides Colombia with privileged access to US military supplies. Colombia had already become the leading recipient of US military aid. Colombia has had by far the worst human rights record in the hemisphere since the Central American wars of the 1980s wound down. The correlation between US aid and human rights violations has long been noted by scholarship.

AP also cited an April 2009 document of the US Air Mobility Command, which proposed that the Palanquero base in Colombia could become a “cooperative security location” (CSL) from which “mobility operations could be executed.” The report noted that from Palanquero, “Nearly half the continent can be covered by a C-17 (military trans- port) without refueling.” This could form part of “a global en route strategy,” which “helps achieve the regional engagement strategy and assists with the mobility routing to Africa.” For the present, “the strategy to place a CSL at Palanquero should be sufficient for air mobility reach on the South American continent,” the document concludes, but it goes on to explore options for extending the routing to Africa with additional bases.

Establishing US military bases in Colombia is only one part of a much broader effort to restore Washington’s capacity for military intervention. There has been a sharp increase in US military aid and training of Latin American officers, focusing on light infantry tactics to combat “radical populism” — a concept that sends shivers up the spine in the Latin American context Military training is being shifted from the State Department to the Pentagon, eliminating human rights and democracy conditionalities under congressional supervision, which has always been weak, but was at least a deterrent to some of the worst abuses. The US Fourth Fleet, disbanded in 1950, was reactivated in 2008, shortly after Colombia’s invasion of Ecuador, with responsibility for the Caribbean, Central and South America, and the surrounding waters. The official announcement defines its “various operations” to “include counter-illicit trafficking, theater security cooperation, military-to-military interaction and bilateral and multinational training.”

Militarization of South America is a component of much broader global programs, as the “global en route strategy” indicates. In Iraq, there is virtually no information about the fate of the huge US military bases, so they are presumably being maintained for force projection. The immense city-within-a-city US embassy in Baghdad not only remains but its cost is to rise to $18 billion USD this year, from an estimated $1.5 billion USD last year. The Obama administration is also constructing mega embassies that are completely without precedent in Pakistan and Afghanistan.

In short, moves towards “a world of peace” do not fall within the “change you can believe in,” to borrow Obama’s campaign slogan.

Noam Chomsky is an internationally renowned linguist, scholar, writer, and activist and author of more than 80 books. He is the most quoted person in world history. This article was first published in the 12 March 2010 issue of Orinoco International.

Url address of this article is: www.globalresearch.ca/PrintArticle.php?articleId=18324